The Effects of Stereotypes

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African-Americans have been facing a whirlwind of stereotypes ever since the beginning of time that point towards the differences of their body types, including but not limited to their feet, hair, and skin color that have impacted the black performer. The Black Dancing Body written by Brenda Dixon Gottschild, an American performer, choreographer, and cultural historian who has brought attention to racism in the dance world, discusses the stereotypes of the black body and the effects discrimination has had upon the aspiring black dancer. Her discussion begins with the stereotype of black feet as “big, flat, and inarticulate” which do not coincide with the standards of ballet feet. In ballet, a high lateral arch is preferred and demanded by ballet companies across the globe; however, this aesthetic principle is merely a culturally conditioned visual that has no distinction in ability or talent. Yet, the stereotype of black feet has had such a great impact on the observers of dance that they tend to be blinded by their racial presuppositions. For example, Zane Booker, a well-known black male ballet dancer, trained and conditioned his body in the art of ballet since early childhood but still faced the area of discrimination over his black feet. Due to the fact that blacks are stereotypically believed to not possess ballet feet, a white observer looking at Booker’s feet saw not his excellently executed pointe but yet the larger stereotype of genetically non-working feet. As Gottschild points out, “it’s not always about what the (black) dancing body can do, but what the observer wants to see” (1330. The preconceived notion that ballet was off-limits for people of color has conditioned society into thinking that the black body was not genetically made for ballet. 

The feet are just the beginning of the constricting beliefs of the black body. Another stereotype that has affected black women not only in the dance profession but also in everyday life, is the ignorance of black hair. Areva Martin’s article, “The Hatred of Black Hair Goes Beyond Ignorance”, published in Time, addresses the disdain and discrimination towards black hair. According to Martin, “in the 18th century, British colonists believed African hair to be closer to sheep wool than human hair, setting the precedent that white hair is preferable, a racially charged notion in and of itself”. From then until now, black women have straightened their hair in order to fit in with the norm of silky, smooth hair that is publicized in every shampoo commercial. In 2015, the young actress, Zendaya faced scorn towards her dreadlocks at the Oscars with comments about the smell of “weed” and “patchouli” from Fashion Police host, Giuliana Rancic. The disdainful comments towards black hairstyles aren’t the only issue. Many new policies have been passed in different organizations that ban the black natural hair. For example, in March of 2014, the U.S. Army issued a new policy that banned traditional black hairstyles, including cornrows, twists, and dreadlocks. The regulations even described these styles as “unkempt” and “matted.” This issue has affected the dance world immensely. At one point in time, Alvin Ailey and the Dance Theater of Harlem also banned braids, locks, and twists. Gottschild argues, “Were these economic, cultural, artistic, or inferiority-complex considerations? (213). This is where the bun dilemma was born. For ballet, the standard hair requirement is a slicked-back bun with no flyaways or bumps in sight. Black hair is not easily put into a slick bun, it must be grown out long and potentially straightened to look like the white girls. The question arises: are blacks faced with a microaggression in ballet when it comes to their hair?

The next issue that I want to cover is the conundrum of skin color. In the Huffpost article, “Study Reveals The Unconscious Bias Towards Dark Skin People We Already Knew Existed” the social problem of dark-skinned discrimination is tested in a study conducted by San Francisco State University. In the study, students were shown two words- “ignorant” and “educated”- followed by a photo of a black man’s face. They were shown the same man’s face with varying skin tones- from dark to light. After being shown these photos, the students were asked to identify which man coincided with which word. The results showed students who were shown the word “educated” often chose the photos with a lighter skin-tone when asked to recall the face they originally saw, even when the correct answer linked with the darker skinned man. The study confirmed the preconceived stereotype against dark-skinned blacks. Gottschild asserts, “Skin is the alpha and omega of racial difference. The darker the skin, the more likely will its inhabitant be excluded from white power and privilege” (190). In the performance world, the dilemma of the black smile emerged in the early years of blackface. Louis Armstrong, an iconic jazz artist from the 20th century, smiled and laughed a lot between the use of his trumpet. In doing so, he was characterized as a “minstrel-like representation of blackness” due to his white teeth, full lips, and dark skin. Another example of ill-mannered discrimination from Gottschild’s research was from a white review of a Dance Theater of Harlem performance in the 1980s. The white dance critic commented on the inappropriate “grinning” on stage, however, the dancers weren’t necessarily grinning, but for the white critic whose norm is white skin, every black smile “runs the risk of being seen as a grin” (192). This highlights yet another deep-rooted stereotype that hinders the black community. The issue doesn’t lie in the black dancing body, but in the eyes of the observer (specifically white).

Gottschild, Brenda Dixon. “Mapping The Territories.” The Black Dancing Body. Palgrave Macmillan, 2003, pp. 102-219.